Officially, the banjar has complete autonomy and all matters relating to the banjar administration and the community it serves should ideally require the agreement of the kelihan banjar, the head of the banjar, in order to proceed. But in the real world, the banjar is well-integrated into the affairs of state - a rather unavoidable predicament considering that the banjar is the most basic building block of the whole of Balinese society. For example, development programs are destined to fail if they lack support at the banjar level. The banjar, therefore, is the most important link between the government and the Balinese people. Bali's banjars are like tiny screws in a huge engine. If one of the screws comes loose, the whole engine will start to fail.

The resignation of fomer President Suharto on 21 May, 1998, signalled Indonesia's official entry into the so-called ika of Reform. The word reformasi has since come into daily use it has become the rationale and driving force of just about everything taking place across the nation. As nationhood is being redefined, reformasi goes right to the heart of common Indonesians' everyday lives.- The above mentioried engine is, in other words, currently being reserviced, thus begging the question: what is to become of the screws that hold it together? As the reform fever is rapidly infecting Indonesian society at large, what are the implications of this for the Balinese banjar and the way it has hitherto been organised? Considering the banjar's role in esuring social cohesion in Bali, how are such traditional institutions in Bali such as the banjar taking part in the social and cultural changes that are currently underway?

Most Balinese I spoke to in preparing this piece hold few fears that the changes the country is now undergoing threaten the existence of Bali's banjar per se. After all, the banjar has survived and adapted to many changes over the past thirty years - the implementation of new development programs, new security measures, the influx of foreign cultures and values via tourism, the use of its land for construction projects. etc. But simply continuing to exist, many assert, is not the issue. The matter at hand is how to bolster the authority of the banjar as a traditional insitution vis-a-vis that of the state.

STRUCTURE

At the head of the banjar is the kelihan dinas, who represents the banjar to the sub-district and district-level branches of government. Anything to do with (civil) administrative matters of state - such as obtaining the various documents needed for job applications, school enrolments, passport applications, identity cards, 'good behaviour' cards, birth certificates, school certificates and family registers is the domain of the kelihan dinas. The term of the kelihan dinas is vague, and in many cases the post in held indefinitely by one person.

The post of the kelihan adat, the 'traditional' banjar head, is officially parallel - neither above nor below - to that of the kelihan dinas. The kelihan adat is responsible for all matters of a 'traditional' nature, such as weddings, temple ceremonies, and what and what may not be done according to tradition. The term of a kelihan adat is usually five years, but it depends on the banjar in question whether a kelihan adat may serve two terms or not. "The kelihan dinas can sometimes double as the kelian adat," says Bukit Jangkrik's kelihan dinas, 1 Made Supraptha. "It depends on the will of the banjar members."

The banjar also includes several community groups, such as the PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan KeIuarga: Maintenance of Family Welfare) and the STT (Sekehe Teruna-Teruni: youth group). In the name of 'women's development', the New Order government established PKK all over Indonesia, and it was in the seventies that the institution became integrated into Bali's banjars. Its main activities are sewing and cooking classes. Whilst it falls under the auspices of the banjar, the PKK is not strictly a traditional Balinese community organisation. It is a development institution molded in the New Order style.

Like the PKK, the STT is also often made responsible for implementing development programs - in this case ones that relate to youth. The majority of STTS, however, are most active at Galungan, the Hindu festive day which falls every six months, when they convene bazaars to raise funds for community coffers.

In addition, each banjar has at least one subak, which is responsible for regulating agricultural matters such as irrigation and harvesting. The head of the subak is called a pekaseh, whose responsiblity is to regulate the flow of irrigation water, and ensure every paddy gets and equal share.

It is obligatory for each banjar to have an awig-awig, or a constitution. Based on traditional law, as opposed to state law, the awig-awig regulates the activities of the banjar and its members. Awig-awig vary according to banjar, but according to Made Alon, Panti Cede's kelihan banjar: "There are many similarities in the awig-awig of banjar in close proximity with one another.

ADAPTATION

Whilst a common assumption is that the Era of Reform has ushered in greater democracy, many sources believe that the banjar has been reforming itself for generations, and that the most visible changes the banjar is now undergoing have little to do with changes in the broader political sphere. Such is the opinion of Putu Suasta, one of Bli's most frequently quoted cultural and political commentators. He believes that the banjar has been changing long before the Era of Reform was born. "Balinese have been facing moral and cultural modernisms for some time, and have opted to incorporate many elementso@ that 'newness' into their everyday lives, thus bearing forth a whole new set of Balinese values," he says. Contemporary Balinese values, Suasta points out, include the incorporation of modern infrastructure and management styles which can generally be referred to as the 'globalisation' of the banjar. "There's no need to fear that the banjar is going to change its role as a traditional institution. Any changes instituted by a banjar are most often only those necessary to keep up with the times."

Overcoming statis in the banjar, according to Putu Suasta, is a matter of adopting new management systems. "The banjar is like any organisation. - changing it is only a matter of management. Nowadays, professional management systems are a must for any organisation that wants to progress, even of that organisation is a so-called traditional one, says Suasta.

But, Suasta continues, the kind of management style adopted needs to be in keeping with the particular conditions of a given banjar, its human resources, its economic situation and its geographic location. "To date there's never been a banjar which has had to disband itself. The problem facing the banjar is not whether it can continue to exist or not, but how to adapt to broader changes taking place."

It tends to be those banjars with the foresight to institute necessary change that end up retaining their independence. "I have no problem with banjars establishing their own banks, minimarkets, co-operatives or making use of communal banjar land for shipping centres or markets. it is these kinds of economic initiatives that can keep banjars and their members from becoming dependent on government resources," says Suasta.

For the banjar itself, it is hardly a matter of being dragged kicking and screaming into the future unknown. The majority welcome change with the eagerness of a sprinter at the starting block, even Gianyar's Bukit Jangkrik, which is about as far'in the sticks' as one can get, so to speak. According to its kelian dinas, 1 Made Supraptha, improvement of public roads and the community hall, the establishment of a village co-operative, and increasing banjar funds top the list of his constituent's demands.

Many banjars, both rural and urban, have been exhibiting their eagerness to change. The most obvious examples are banjars located in Denpasar. Most obvious because it is banjars in Denpasar that initiated a trend in'rehabilitating' the banjar building - a measure which has not recieved unanimous support. In spite of his fervour for renewal of lie banjar, ecturer in Balinese culture at Denpasar's Udayana University, Windhu Sancaya, for example, admits that he is less enthusiastic about the drastic measures some banjars have gone to to 'rehabilitate' their community halls. "This could easily have the effect of undermining the communal nuances of the banjar space.

Many people confess that they are hesitant to continue using 'rehabilitated' banjar halls that are now complete with marble floors and such, for traditional activities such as childrens games, trading traditional Balinese snacks, and cock-fights.

While some sources believe that adaptation to globalisation is the primary challenge currently facing the banjar others see the reclaiming of autonomy as the main reform program at the banjar level. That the banjar has the capacity to welcome new values is a fact of which Drs Ida Bagus Pandjaja, the Head of Bali's Cultural Unit, is convinced. "We can't deny that modernity and globalisation are facts of life in Bali. But 1 have no fear that this will .-result in the disappearance of traditional values. The banjar, system is too strong to be destroyed by modernisation," asserts Pandjaja. But what does concern Pandjaja is the lack of clarity in the way the banjar is structured which, he believes, has the potential to intrude on the autonomy of the banjar,. Pandjaja believes that the affairs of many banjars are dominated by administrative matters of state, rather than serving the interests of their members. "The banjar should ideally be an autonomous body, not a branch of the subdistrict administrative office. That means that nobody, not even the government, should be able to intervene in the affairs of the banjar,. It is the responsiblity of the banjar., therefore. to educate its members about principles of autonomy and self determination," says Pandjaja.

Similarly, according to Windhu Sancaya, it is not enough for the banjar to "simply exist. There is widespread eagerness for traditional institutions to be strengthened vis-a-vis the central state. The only problem is the lack of consensus on what kind of new system will serve to strengthen such institutions."

Sancaya goes on to say that one of the most vital ways in which the banjar, needs to change is to cease allow itself to be 'acted upon' and start becoming a more pro-active institution. "New morals and values are increasingly being applied to the lifestyles of the Balinese, and much of this is due to globalizations. As a traditional institution, the banjar needs to actively respond to such changes, if it is not to be effortlessly molded at will by the powers that be." Ketu Sumarta, editor of the Denpasar based daily Nusa Tenggara, believes that the autonomy of the banjar  has been proudly undermined during the the New Order period (1966 - 1998, ed.) "Clearly, this places a burden on the banjar. And it is one of the primary problems a banjar faces in determining its priorities and continued existence into the future," he asserts. In other words, according to Sumarta, the greatest challenge facing the banjar is not the entry of global values to Bali, but intervention of the state itself, a fact which has been particularly evident in the New Order period. "The Balinese have been managing the challenge posed by the entry of so-called foreign values for decades, and with great skill. The proof of this is that globalization has detracted little from the resilience of Balinese traditions. But state intervention poses an altogether different and new challenge," says Sumarta.

Physical improvements to the banjar, such as rehabilitating the banjar hall, adding extra storey to it and renting out the bottom floor for commercial purposes is, according to Pandjaja, one of the ways the banjars can utilize the assets at its disposal in the interests of taking greater control of its destiny. "As long as those banjar activities which are of primary importance continue as usual, such as ngayah (communal work bees), mebat (communal rituals where offerings are devoted to the Gods and the resulting produce divided up amongst banjar members), and paruman (meetings of the committee of banjar officials)", says P'andjaja.